Publications

The transition program of the coalition government led by president Adama BARROW has faced several agenda setbacks, resulting in various failed promises. However, the democratic space created by the December 2016 to January 2017 regime change resulted in the registration of more political parties, many more media houses. All indications point to this presidential election already being the most closely contested in the history of the Gambia. This Policy paper looks the various variables of the political developments that occurred in The Gambia’s, along with the issues at stake in the Presidential Elections slated for 4 December 2021.

After 22 years of autocratic rule, President Yahya JAMMEH had to give way to President Adama BARROW. The new government has undertaken a series of reforms aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and restoring public confidence, among others. Among the initiatives launched by the government is the establishment of a truth, reconciliation and reparations commission. This commission had generated a lot of interest, especially from the many women who were affected by the atrocities of the former Yahya JAMMEH regime. However, it seems that this commission did not really give the women the result they had hoped for.

This report is based on three workshops on Violent Extremism in Mozambique and the Southern African region, hosted by the Centre for International and Strategic Studies (CEEI) and the Southern African Defence and Security Management Network (SADSEM), and supported by the Maputo Office of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES). An inclusive workshop report titled ‘Managing Violent Extremism in Africa: Lessons, Strategic Options for Mozambique and Southern Africa and Institutional Responses’ (CEEI, SADSEM, FES) is available upon request.

When we consider the problem of institutional impunity, what immediately leaps to mind after long-term observation of countries in armed conflict in the field is the paradox between the massive military and security resources invested, the presence of judicial institutions with a whole array of instruments, laws, standards, and conventions, and the apparent inadequacy of the outcomes in terms of protection of civilians’ security and human rights.

Like in many developing countries that are highly fractionalized, ethnic crisis ranks amongst many security challenges bedevilling Nigeria, making Nigeria loosely a country at war with itself. This situation magnifies Nigeria’s political instability and the efforts of security agencies to address the range of insecurity issues which beyond fractionalization crisis encircle terrorism, banditry, ritual killings, armed robbery and kidnapping.

Government has unwittingly allowed the responsibility for security to transfer vicariously to the citizens and state while rebuffing devolution of statutory security responsibilities by not acceding to the formation of state police. There is thus a perceived need for decentralization of Nigeria Police in tandem with dictates of federalism. Yet, efforts to restructure the Nigeria Police is still fraught with definitional, conceptual and systemic challenges.

Nigeria is witnessing the escalation of violence and conflicts across the board. While the incidents have led to thousands of losses to lives and then the destruction of livelihood, it has seemingly overwhelmed Nigeria's security operatives. The Southeast region, which used to be one of Nigeria's relatively peaceful zones, has witnessed rising violence. The past couple of months have been dreadful, given the region's rise of violence and security uncertainties. About 254 people were killed in 63 incidents recorded in the first five months of 2021.

Nigeria, as a democratising state, is caught in the web of balancing civil control over its military, which has over the years dominated its political space. With the growing insecurity and conflicts in the country such as insurgency, cultism, kidnapping, vandalism, terrorism and armed banditry, the presence of the military in the civilian spaces and activities continue to grow. While the military is invited to help in providing security and safeguard the public spaces, their relationship with the citizens in many cases have turned sour, as in some cases, the fundamental rights or the constitutional rights of the citizens are either breached or violated.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a significant obstacle to women’s enjoyment of their rights and a violation of their fundamental freedoms. In several countries, particularly in West Africa, such violence is rooted in a social system founded on patriarchy.

Since 2018, the Laboratory of Analyse of Societies and Powers / Africa – Diasporas at Gaston Berger University in Saint- Louis, Senegal (UGB LASPAD) has undertaken a series of studies as part of an action research programme on citizen control of public security action in West Africa. In collaboration with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Peace and Security Centre of Competence Sub-Saharan Africa (FES PSCC) and the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding - Senegal (WANEP), a team of researchers led by Dr Rachid Id Yassine conducted an exploratory study, under phase one, in three West African countries (Senegal, Gambia, and Guinea-Bissau), to develop, test and consolidate a multipartite mechanism for citizen control of public security action. During this pilot phase, a citizen security barometer was developed (Citizen Barometer of Security : www.citizen-security.org ).